The Racialization of Swing

The political and economic conditions in America during the 1930's had a huge effect on the jazz, soon to be swing, era. White Americans began to participate in swing music due to its perceived political symbolism, as well as critiquing black musicians in what they felt was displaying their dedication to “black cultural production” (lecture). And while swing pierced segregation with its drawing of diverse audiences, it largely consisted of white male critics. Additional the emergence of the infamous Benny Goodman and his performances at Carnegie Hall gave audiences a white swing celebrity. Yet even with Goodman’s popularity white Americans could still not disconnect the origin or the co-existing forms of swing from black musicians. The combination of political climate, the emergence of the white music critic, and the effect of Benny Goodman’s success led to explicit conversations of race emerging in regards to swing music. 

Both the Great Depression’s tole on the American economy and the rise of Communism and the Left Wing created a growth in liberal and democratic perspectives amongst Americans. Between both WWI and WWII anti-fascist sentiments were strong in the United States, and nothing was more of a juxtaposition to fascism than having appreciation for races other than the Aryan race (Stowe). Recognizing this, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union formed alliances with groups that were not Communist but opposed fascism, naming the group the Popular Front. African Americans were included in the Popular Front, and in the case of the Scottsboro boys in 1931 who were wrongfully accused of rape, the Communist Party was intricate in there conviction (lecture). Radical white leftist developed an admiration for black culture, and thus swing music became associated with political radicalism and “music of the democratic class, a product of the people that had a spirit of collective cooperation and spontaneous individuality” (Lecture). Americans began to demonstrate their radical political views by associating with swing music, or in their minds black culture. Thus because it was a political demonstration to be listening to swing, the fact that swing music was predominately a part of black culture was emphasized and explicitly discussed. 

Because they believed “whites and blacks were working together under the populist front”, young white males, predominately from privileged families, took it upon themselves to criticize the music of black musicians (Stowe 52). Within these criticism the concept of race is very clearly discussed. Black artist are expected to be representatives of their race, while simultaneously trying to play to the extremely diverse audience that swing music attracted (Stowe). Music critic John Hammond accused famous jazz musician Duke Ellington of “disguised a willingness to tolerate racial indignities for the sake of commercial success” (lecture). Hammond continued to include race within his critiques of swing musicians with such comment as “the best of the white folk still cannot compare to the really good Negroes in relaxed, unpretentious dance music” (Stowe, 60). Another music critic Paul Eduard Miller resorted to emphasizing race in his appraisal of swing music when he wrote in an article “black superiority sprang from tradition, a familiarity with essential requirements of swing that white musicians had to laboriously strive to acquire” (Stowe, 78). By trying to demonstrate the musical talent black swing musicians had and feeling they now had the authority to do so, white music critics created a clearly racialized element in swing music and swing music analysis. 

Additionally the emergence of Benny Goodman on the swing scene in his appearance at Carnegie Hall in 1938 created discussion based on race. Goodman legitimized jazz for white society, and he was perfect to do so because he played the incredible music and was able to do so with a racial integrated band (lecture). Goodman created a huge stir in the swing era when he challenged the band of the black musician Chick Webb in The Savory Ballroom in uptown Harlem. The discussion around the competition became centered around race, as Goodman entered into a black space and brought with him an audience who may otherwise never have ventured there (lecture). Because white musicians were competing against black musicians racial differences were highlighted, making race more explicit during the Swing Era. 

Tolerance towards blacks was growing in American during the 1930s, as was the significance of race within music. The political sway of white Americans led them to encouraged black culture while simultaneously believing they had the right to critique it (thus critique something they did not understand). The success of white musician Benny Goodman further emphasized racial differences, giving a great deal of racially centered discussion within the realm of the Swing Era. 

   

Chicago and New York; the Community of Jazz

Although both Chicago and New York were influential to the jazz movement in the 1920s, it was Chicago that had a greater significance because there existed a more supportive and opportunistic dialogue between the community and the music. In New York during the 1920s the main arena for jazz existed in Harlem and midtown Manhattan, yet there was not as great of development in these cities as in Chicago because of the negative connotation jazz held (Lecture). Blacks in Harlem experienced socioeconomic divide despite the intellectual and cultural innovations which took place during the Harlem Renaissance. This divide into “two Harlems”, one of economic prosperity and one of economic hardship, forced jazz into the second Harlem due to its association with rent parties, or gatherings where tenants had jazz musicians entertain for guest in order to pay rent (Gioia 94).These rent parties accompanied talented musicians such as Duke Ellington, James. P Johnson, and Willie The Lion Smith who took the ragtime music of Scott Joplin and intertwined it with the european aesthetic of the piano and stride to produce jazz that had a distinct sound to Harlem. Piano was played particularly well in New York because of its long existence as an economic symbol, and thus the skillful incorporation of it into jazz was unique to New York (Gioia). Yet black culture in New York saw the music as undignified, and the many recent blacks migrated from the south liked the music least, as they wanted to separate themselves from what long time “Harlemites” though were lowbrow, such as Delta blues, New Orleans Jazz, and Missouri rags (Gioia 95). While opinion would change, Chicago offered a better climate for jazz in the 1920s.   

Because black Chicagoans supporting jazz music, it was able to create a sense of prideful community that recycled back into the evolution of the music (Cohen). Around the1920s Chicago was racially segregated with whites living on the North side and blacks living on the South side. With the Great Migration and infusion of blacks into Chicago, competition for jobs and housing rose, as well as racial tension (Lecture). When tension boiled over and race riots broke out in 1919, the black community learned the importance of self-reliance in the form of economic independence in order to survive segregation (Cohen). Thus the concept of black entrepreneurialism, originated from Booker. T. Washington, became a focus in the black community. The communities aggressive environment and the solidification in what Cohen calls “undifferentiated blackness” converses with jazz, and thus produces emergence of the soloist in jazz music. The community of Chicago creates the perfect environment for the talent of Louis Armstrong to emerge on the jazz scene and become representative of the culture and community of Chicago because of his individual talent that is recognized, yet still apart, of the bigger band. Armstrong was representative of the community because blacks too were creating their own individual culture that was still apart of the large American culture; distinct yet part of the whole.

Also Armstrong’s identity in jazz created a unique style for Chicago, as no one could imitate his talent on the trumpet and cornet; yet the attempt by other musicians, such as the Austin High School Band, created more unique and diverse styles in jazz. White musicians such as the Austin High School Band often attempted to re-create what black musicians were producing, which feed to the feelings of pride black communities had in regards to jazz music, creating a black identify in broader popular culture (Cohen).  

The community spoke back to jazz, as music soon became a sanctuary for blacks in many regards. The laborious and mundane jobs many Chicagoans held resulted in the desire for an outlet in the form of entertainment. Dancehalls and later clubs, where jazz music was played, provided a place for fun and further expression of the black identity as they reconnected the association of music and dance that operated on the principles of African design (Section). The expression of this black identity demanded up-beat danceable music, allowing Armstrong’s style of “hot music”, with improvisation and power, to flourish (Henderson). 

Both New York and Chicago were influential in the development of jazz, and both cities and the communities that resided within them maintained a constant dialogue with the music. Chicago, however, was more crucial to the growth of jazz with the drastic talent of Armstrong coupled with the entertainment provided at dance halls, both epitomizing the expression of black identity in the 1920s.